KELO

v.

CITY OF NEW LONDON

125 U.S. 2655

No. 04-108

 

 

certiorari to the Supreme Court of Connecticut

268 Conn. 1, 843 A. 2d 500, reversed.

Argued February 28, 2006--Decided March 17, 2006

 

 

 

 

Justice Rainwater and Justice Stiles filed separate opinions which each joined. Chief Justice Hanson dissented.

Justice Stiles which Justice Rainwater joins. 2

 

Justice Rainwater in which Justice Stiles joins. 6

 

Justice Jim Hanson dissenting. 11

 


Justice Stiles which Justice Rainwater joins.

INTRODUCTION: QUESTIONS PRESENTED

The questions at issue in this case are not only of lasting importance to the government and its ability to provide for the common good but also to the American people, individual property owners across the nation, many of whom regard their home as their single most valuable, important, and meaningful asset.  Though directly stated in no law, there is a common understanding (one, it could be said, possibly fostered by WWII-era legislation such as the Montgomery G.I. Bill that financially encourages home ownership) that Americans who can afford their own home have more of a right to keep their home than they do to other kinds of property.  Of all the possible property a person may own, the only laws allowing for protection of property with deadly force that have passed the tests of the courts apply solely to citizens’ homes (Colorado18-1-704.5, C.R.S. 1997; Sec. 782.02, Florida Statutes 1997).

In addition to the culturally implied and legislatively professed “distinctiveness” regarding individual property rights when the property in question is one’s home, this case also emphasizes the problem of weighing the rights of individuals against the conflicting rights of the community.  Our government’s philosophy of constitutional democracy allows for the will of the majority of citizens to decide on issues facing the community.  To prevent an unjust tyranny of this majority, there are protected rights of every individual, including those in the minority on a decision, which are not to be infringed by any community decision.  The question of balance between the rights of individuals and the rights of the community when they are in clash is always a difficult one, rarely more so than when something as foundational as an individual’s  right to property, especially property as important as one’s home, is in contention.

Finally, this decision will have a great impact on the future of eminent domain, the narrowly tailored right of the government to take private property for public use given just compensation (the ‘Takings Clause’ as stated in the Fifth Amendment to the U.S Constitution).  This case blurs the line between “private” and “public” goods further than any other that has reached this Court, and that makes it of particular importance that future conflicts of this nature be wisely anticipated by this decision and precedent it grants.

I: THE HOME AS “SPECIAL” PROPERTY

The first question, that of a possible individual’s “right” to their home, I find in favor of the petitioners.  While not stated outright in the Constitution or other federal legislation, there is an implied understanding that the private home is an individual’s or family’s greatest asset, in terms of both financial and sentimental value.  Much like the implied right to privacy, the implied “special-ness” of the home within the right to property is clear and unquestionably real.  This gives added weight to the home in particular within the right to private property and therefore calls for strict scrutiny to be applied to the respondents who seek to forcibly alter the petitioners’ property against their will.

II: DEFINING PUBLIC USE

Put simply, the City of New London’s case does not meet the “public use” requirements of the Fifth Amendment’s Takings Clause, nor does responsible case precedent provide for it.  There is precedent for using the Takings Clause for “public use” even when the property is sold to another private party, but the strict requirements for such an action are not met in this case.

The respondents claim that Berman v. Parker, 348 U. S. 26 (1954) and Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, 467 U. S. 229 (1984) gives the City of New London the right to use eminent domain powers to seize the homes of Kelo et al.  However, neither case legitimates the respondent’s argument.  In Berman the vast majority of the property at issue was in irreparable condition.  As counsel for the petitioners noted, “the overriding principle guiding the use of the eminent domain power [in Berman] was to clear…what had become a harmful environment. The key motivation for removing the existing property use was one of eliminating public harm.”  New London may be experiencing economic troubles, but the town and the property in question do not qualify as “slums.”  The precedent set by Berman is irrelevant to this case.

The respondents’ arguments fair no better in Midkiff.  This case concerned oligopoly in the leasing of residential property.  Neither of these issues are present in the case at hand: each of the petitioners maintains their property as their own private residence; there is no leasing oligopoly nor any trade concerns whatsoever that represent a compelling state interest in taking private property for “public use” that includes transfer to another private party.  As stated in the decision, “regulating oligopoly and the evils associated with it is a classic exercise of a State's police powers…and to reduce such evils is a rational exercise of the eminent domain power.”

The trading of private property from one party to another, when compelled by the government and against the will of the original owner, must be for a clear public gain that is in concurrence with the responsibilities of government.  In accordance with section I of this decision, this stipulation cannot be more emphasized than in a case involving a private citizen’s home.

III: IMPLICATIONS OF PRECEDENT

In effect ruling on behalf of the respondents would eliminate any distinction between private and public use of property, thereby effectively deleting the words “for public use” from the Takings Clause of the Fifth Amendment.  To justify New London’s plans this Court would have to redefine “public use” as it appears in the Constitution to “public purpose,” making the stipulations required of the government by the Takings Clause infinitely more vague and widely tailored.

If this were allowed to stand, any private property could be taken for the benefit of another private party.  This would not happen at random however.  Worse than that, the beneficiaries of a ruling in favor of the respondents are likely to be those citizens with disproportionate influence and power in the political process, such as large corporations and development firms.  Losses stemming from this decision would fall disproportionately on poor communities which are not only less likely to put their lands to the highest and best public use, but are also the least politically powerful.  While there is case precedent, as cited by counsel for the respondents, showing that benefits to the community at large stemming from private development can count as “public use,” these precedents have strict requirements (which are made all the more so due to the special status of the private home) and it has been shown that none of these specific circumstances fit the case at hand.  This case goes a step beyond the precedents of Berman, Midkiff, and the like.  Here the line must be drawn so that there is some precedent as to how far the public/private line may be blurred, and in which situations where that line should be hardest to cross (the private family home).  Given the facts of the case, the special status of the family home, and the desperate need for some limiting precedent in cases of eminent domain, I rule in concurrence with Justice Rainwater in favor of the appellants and against the City of New London, CT.

Justice Rainwater in which Justice Stiles joins

Today, the City of New London would have us rule that all private property may be taken and transferred to another private owner so long as the legislature deems the new ownership to be more beneficial to the public. This, we are quite unwilling to do.

The Fifth Amendment of the Constitution states “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.”  From this clause, it is clear that the government has the power to “demand for their exercise the acquisition of lands in all the States. These are needed for forts, armories, and arsenals, for navy-yards and light-houses, for custom-houses, post-offices, and court-houses, and for other public uses.”  Kohl v. US, 91 U.S. 367 (1875).  Further, it has been established that the legislature does not have the power to exercise “the right of eminent domain... without the owner’s consent, for any but a public object.” Cole v. City of La Grange, 113 U.S. 1 (1885).  Thus, a public use is the only valid purpose for which government may take private property.  “It is well established that, in considering the application of the Fourteenth Amendment to cases of expropriation of private property, the question what is a public use is a judicial one.” City of Cincinnati v. Vester, 281 U.S. 439 (1930).  Therefore, the question – properly stated by Respondents – is whether the property taken by the City of New London for the proposed purpose constitutes “public use.”

            This Court has traditionally given a great deal of deference to the legislature.  As a result, our role “in determining whether that power is being exercised for a public purpose is an extremely narrow one.” Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26, 32 (1954).  Further, once it has been determined that the legislature’s purpose is legitimate and not irrational, “empirical debates over the wisdom of takings... are not to be carried out in the federal courts.” Hawaii Housing Auth. v. Midkiff, 467 U.S. 229, 242 -43 (1984).  However, this deference should not be interpreted to mean that a legislature’s mere declaration – that a compulsory acquisition is for the purpose of public use – is sufficient to pass our review. “Otherwise, the taking of any land in excess condemnation, although in reality wholly unrelated to the immediate improvement, would be sustained on a bare recital.” City of Cincinnati v. Vester, 281 U.S. 439 (1930). 

            It has generally been found that the government cannot “tak[e] property from A. and giv[e] it to B.” Calder v. Bull, 3 Dall. 386, 388 (1798).  However, this Court has also established that the government may transfer property from one private party to another if it is to use that property for a public use, such as a railroad. National Railroad Passenger Corporation v. Boston & Maine Corp., 503 U. S. 407 (1992).  In two cases, this Court has further allowed the transfer of private property to other private parties when special circumstances arise. We turn now to those cases.

            In Berman, the District of Columbia seized private property for a neighborhood so deteriorated that “64.3% of the dwellings were beyond repair, 18.4% needed major repairs, only 17.3% were satisfactory; 57.8% of the dwellings had outside toilets, 60.3% had no baths, 29.3% lacked electricity, 82.2% had no wash basins or laundry tubs, 83.8% lacked central heating.” See Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26 (1954).  Unlike the homes seized in the City of New London for the purpose of “economic development,” the condition of the neighborhood was in such extreme decay that the houses actually needed to be torn down because a majority could not even be repaired.  The public use was not to give the community an economic ‘boost’ but to tear down and reconstruct a neighborhood that could not otherwise recover.

            In Midkiff, the “State and Federal Governments owned almost 49% of the State's land, another 47% was in the hands of only 72 private landowners.” It was determined that this disproportionate ownership of land created an oligopoly in which market prices were inflated and harming the public welfare.  The homes seized by the City of New London were not owned by landed elite, nor were they creating unfair market conditions.  The residential homes seized in this case were not determined to be causing any harm to the community whatsoever.

In the present case, New London presents a plan to revitalize its ailing economy; not because the community is nearing a slum, nor because the seized property was unfairly owned.  The houses are not being condemned because they present any sort of health hazard or are beyond repair; rather the City has merely determined that the economy is not in the shape they would like it to be in.  In Berman and Midkiff, the property seized was harming the community in some form or another. In Berman, the very existence of the blight was harmful and removing the blight was itself a public good. In Midkiff, the ownership of land by so few was harming the community and the transfer of land was itself a public good. In the present case, Petitioner’s homes do not harm anyone, but are merely inconvenient roadblocks preventing the construction of a privately owned corporation’s research facility.  To affirm this case would be unprecedented; it would be the first time that private property was transferred to a private company in which (1) the transfer did not itself constitute public good, and (2) the private company was not constructing a public utility.  If this Court were to affirm the City of New London’s proposed plan, it would be setting a precedent in which Cities can take private homes and transfer them to private companies simply because the city feels there may be some kind of economic benefit.  

            We draw a distinction between the Berman/Midkiff cases and the one today because if we do not, the restriction of eminent domain to “public use” means nothing at all.  The supposed “public benefits” that will be accrued with the installation of the Pfizer research facility are the creation of jobs, increased tax revenue and aesthetic improvement of the community.  The difficulty with this definition of public use is that any private business could be said to do those things.  A legislature could reasonably determine that the installation of a McDonald’s fast food restaurant would create jobs, increase tax revenue and – although it seems unlikely – determine that it would aesthetically improve the community.  Further, in this scenario, the McDonalds would actually be more open to the public than would the Pfizer research facility.  Yet this Court has firmly established that a “purely private taking could not withstand the scrutiny of the public use requirement; it would serve no legitimate purpose of government and would thus be void." Hawaii Housing Auth. v. Midkiff, 467 U.S. 229, 245 (1984).  It matters not whether a legislature actually would determine that a private home should be torn down against its owner’s consent in order to construct a McDonalds; the fact is that that they could do so if we were to rule for the Respondents today. 

            This Court gives a great deal of respect and trust to the legislature to do what is right. In determining what is good for the community, “we do not lightly second-guess such legislative judgments, particularly where the judgments are based in part on empirical determinations.” Westside Community Bd. Of Ed. V. Mergens, 496 U.S. 226 (1990).  Yet, to rule for the Respondents would open the door for rampant corruption through special interests.  If corporations knew that the legislature had the power to seize valuable property on their behalf from unwilling sellers – or sellers that are asking for more than “market value” – they would have an interest in persuading the legislature to do so.  What politician could resist a hefty campaign contribution if it meant the displacement of only one or two constituents in the name of job creation?   One might answer that in such situations clearly and primarily benefiting the private transferee this Court will step in to stop the abuse.  However, that is not the role of this Court.  Once the precedent has been set that job creation is sufficient justification for using the power of eminent domain, this Court will have no authority to second-guess the details of each individual case.  Ruling for the respondents would not be showing judicial deference; it would be judicial abdication of all power in this area of law. The judgment of the lower court is reversed and remanded for proceedings consistent with this decision.

 

 

 

 


Justice Jim Hanson dissenting

I respectfully dissent.

I agree with the majority that individual home ownership is important and should be given deference and respect by courts. However, ensuring good for the greater public can be more important. The Berman and Midikiff decisions illustrated situations in which this Court placed the public good over homeowners. The majority is correct that Berman and Midikiff are not the same as the case presented here. New London suffers from a long term economic downturn; it is not blighted. New London reflects individual homeowners; it is not owned by a very few. Still, New London is in need of economic development. As counsel Guthrie notes: “The facts that New London's population is at its lowest point since 1920 and the unemployment rate is double that of the rest of the state speak to the heavily damaged nature of New London's economy.” Dealing with a long term economic downturn justifies action, if for no other reason, that it would prevent the area from becoming a blighted area and it would prevent monopolistic land takeovers that are not necessarily in the public’s best interest. The New London development plan, serves a public use in the tradition of this Court’s Fifth Amendment jurisprudence. Indeed, this Court wrote in Berman that "the acquisition and the assembly of real property and the leasing or sale thereof for redevelopment pursuant to a project area redevelopment plan . . . is hereby declared to be a public use." Berman v. Parker, 348 U. S. 26 (1954).

I now turn to two recent decisions by Justice Stevens and Kennedy. Justice Stevens provides a clear rationale for New London’s actions; Justice Kennedy provides a clear approach for guiding future decisions that would prevent city councils from installing “a McDonald’s fast food restaurant . . .” on the grounds that doing so would improve the economy (Rainwater) or from taking homes from the poor or less politically powerful groups (Stiles). Any such decision should be carefully scrutinized to prevent such abuse; it should be in the context of a long term economic problem; and, of course, be for the public (and not necessarily in the restricted “use” sense that the majority has newly constructed for their decision).

Justice Stevens (syllabus of decision)

http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/04-108.ZS.html

    (a) Though the city could not take petitioners’ land simply to confer a private benefit on a particular private party, see, e.g., Midkiff, 467 U.S., at 245, the takings at issue here would be executed pursuant to a carefully considered development plan, which was not adopted “to benefit a particular class of identifiable individuals,” ibid. Moreover, while the city is not planning to open the condemned land–at least not in its entirety–to use by the general public, this “Court long ago rejected any literal requirement that condemned property be put into use for the … public.” Id., at 244. Rather, it has embraced the broader and more natural interpretation of public use as “public purpose.” See, e.g., Fallbrook Irrigation Dist. v. Bradley, 164 U.S. 112, 158—164. Without exception, the Court has defined that concept broadly, reflecting its longstanding policy of deference to legislative judgments as to what public needs justify the use of the takings power. Berman, 348 U.S. 26; Midkiff, 467 U.S. 229; Ruckelshaus v. Monsanto Co., 467 U.S. 986. Pp. 6—13.

    (b) The city’s determination that the area at issue was sufficiently distressed to justify a program of economic rejuvenation is entitled to deference. The city has carefully formulated a development plan that it believes will provide appreciable benefits to the community, including, but not limited to, new jobs and increased tax revenue. As with other exercises in urban planning and development, the city is trying to coordinate a variety of commercial, residential, and recreational land uses, with the hope that they will form a whole greater than the sum of its parts. To effectuate this plan, the city has invoked a state statute that specifically authorizes the use of eminent domain to promote economic development. Given the plan’s comprehensive character, the thorough deliberation that preceded its adoption, and the limited scope of this Court’s review in such cases, it is appropriate here, as it was in Berman, to resolve the challenges of the individual owners, not on a piecemeal basis, but rather in light of the entire plan. Because that plan unquestionably serves a public purpose, the takings challenged here satisfy the Fifth Amendment. P. 13.

    (c) Petitioners’ proposal that the Court adopt a new bright-line rule that economic development does not qualify as a public use is supported by neither precedent nor logic. Promoting economic development is a traditional and long accepted governmental function, and there is no principled way of distinguishing it from the other public purposes the Court has recognized. See, e.g., Berman, 348 U.S., at 24.

 

Justice Kennedy

http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/04-108.ZC.html

    I join the opinion for the Court and add these further observations.

    This Court has declared that a taking should be upheld as consistent with the Public Use Clause, U.S. Const., Amdt. 5., as long as it is “rationally related to a conceivable public purpose.” Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, 467 U.S. 229, 241 (1984); see also Berman v. Parker, 348 U.S. 26 (1954). This deferential standard of review echoes the rational-basis test used to review economic regulation under the Due Process and Equal Protection Clauses, see, e.g., FCC v. Beach Communications, Inc., 508 U.S. 307, 313—314 (1993); Williamson v. Lee Optical of Okla., Inc., 348 U.S. 483 (1955). The determination that a rational-basis standard of review is appropriate does not, however, alter the fact that transfers intended to confer benefits on particular, favored private entities, and with only incidental or pretextual public benefits, are forbidden by the Public Use Clause.

    A court applying rational-basis review under the Public Use Clause should strike down a taking that, by a clear showing, is intended to favor a particular private party, with only incidental or pretextual public benefits, just as a court applying rational-basis review under the Equal Protection Clause must strike down a government classification that is clearly intended to injure a particular class of private parties, with only incidental or pretextual public justifications. See Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center, Inc., 473 U.S. 432, 446—447, 450 (1985); Department of Agriculture v. Moreno, 413 U.S. 528, 533—536 (1973). As the trial court in this case was correct to observe, “Where the purpose [of a taking] is economic development and that development is to be carried out by private parties or private parties will be benefited, the court must decide if the stated public purpose–economic advantage to a city sorely in need of it–is only incidental to the benefits that will be confined on private parties of a development plan.” 2 App. to Pet. for Cert. 263. See also ante, at 7.

    A court confronted with a plausible accusation of impermissible favoritism to private parties should treat the objection as a serious one and review the record to see if it has merit, though with the presumption that the government’s actions were reasonable and intended to serve a public purpose. Here, the trial court conducted a careful and extensive inquiry into “whether, in fact, the development plan is of primary benefit to … the developer [i.e., Corcoran Jennison], and private businesses which may eventually locate in the plan area [e.g., Pfizer], and in that regard, only of incidental benefit to the city.” 2 App. to Pet. for Cert. 261. The trial court considered testimony from government officials and corporate officers; id., at 266—271; documentary evidence of communications between these parties, ibid.; respondents’ awareness of New London’s depressed economic condition and evidence corroborating the validity of this concern, id., at 272—273, 278—279; the substantial commitment of public funds by the State to the development project before most of the private beneficiaries were known, id., at 276; evidence that respondents reviewed a variety of development plans and chose a private developer from a group of applicants rather than picking out a particular transferee beforehand, id., at 273, 278; and the fact that the other private beneficiaries of the project are still unknown because the office space proposed to be built has not yet been rented, id., at 278.

    The trial court concluded, based on these findings, that benefiting Pfizer was not “the primary motivation or effect of this development plan”; instead, “the primary motivation for [respondents] was to take advantage of Pfizer’s presence.” Id., at 276. Likewise, the trial court concluded that “[t]here is nothing in the record to indicate that … [respondents] were motivated by a desire to aid [other] particular private entities.” Id., at 278. See also ante, at 7—8. Even the dissenting justices on the Connecticut Supreme Court agreed that respondents’ development plan was intended to revitalize the local economy, not to serve the interests of Pfizer, Corcoran Jennison, or any other private party. 268 Conn. 1, 159, 843 A. 2d 500, 595 (2004) (Zarella, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part). This case, then, survives the meaningful rational basis review that in my view is required under the Public Use Clause.

    Petitioners and their amici argue that any taking justified by the promotion of economic development must be treated by the courts as per se invalid, or at least presumptively invalid. Petitioners overstate the need for such a rule, however, by making the incorrect assumption that review under Berman and Midkiff imposes no meaningful judicial limits on the government’s power to condemn any property it likes. A broad per se rule or a strong presumption of invalidity, furthermore, would prohibit a large number of government takings that have the purpose and expected effect of conferring substantial benefits on the public at large and so do not offend the Public Use Clause.

    My agreement with the Court that a presumption of invalidity is not warranted for economic development takings in general, or for the particular takings at issue in this case, does not foreclose the possibility that a more stringent standard of review than that announced in Berman and Midkiff might be appropriate for a more narrowly drawn category of takings. There may be private transfers in which the risk of undetected impermissible favoritism of private parties is so acute that a presumption (rebuttable or otherwise) of invalidity is warranted under the Public Use Clause. Cf. Eastern Enterprises v. Apfel, 524 U.S. 498, 549—550 (1998) (Kennedy, J., concurring in judgment and dissenting in part) (heightened scrutiny for retroactive legislation under the Due Process Clause). This demanding level of scrutiny, however, is not required simply because the purpose of the taking is economic development.

    This is not the occasion for conjecture as to what sort of cases might justify a more demanding standard, but it is appropriate to underscore aspects of the instant case that convince me no departure from Berman and Midkiff is appropriate here. This taking occurred in the context of a comprehensive development plan meant to address a serious city-wide depression, and the projected economic benefits of the project cannot be characterized as de minimus. The identity of most of the private beneficiaries were unknown at the time the city formulated its plans. The city complied with elaborate procedural requirements that facilitate review of the record and inquiry into the city’s purposes. In sum, while there may be categories of cases in which the transfers are so suspicious, or the procedures employed so prone to abuse, or the purported benefits are so trivial or implausible, that courts should presume an impermissible private purpose, no such circumstances are present in this case.